The Tumble of Post-Industrial Society

By Dmitriy

The Tumble of Post-Industrial Society

By Dmitriy Belyanin

The sub-prime mortgage crisis in the United States of America and the beginning of recession in Europe have created doubts about the sustenance of the economic power of the West as such. Although the economies of the United States of America and that of Kazakhstan are drastically different in size, scope, and goods produced, they share one thing in common: the share of manufacturing in these economies is comparatively low. This factor can be detrimental in terms of sustaining their economic performance during the crisis.

The Pros and Cons of a Post-Industrial Economy

Over the last few decades, the economies of the United States and European countries have gradually turned away from manufacturing to services, due to outsourcing. Manufacturing was shifted to developing countries of East Asia, particularly India and China. The justification behind this move was the lower costs of labor in these countries.

The change caused many manual laborers in the United States and Europe to retrain to specialize in the provision of services. At the same time, workers in East Asia gained new jobs. Initially, the salaries offered for performing these jobs were grossly low by world standards. By the time the sub-prime mortgage crisis began in the United States, China and India evolved into rapidly developing economies.

The shift of the economies of the U.S. and Europe towards the provision of services, however, proved to be less of a blessing in the long run. On the positive side, the provision of services may be less costly than the production of goods. This implies that many more people can create or run facilities that provide services. The more successful entrepreneurs there are in an economy, the larger the middle class, since each entrepreneur must hire laborers to keep the enterprises running. As employment increases, so do wages.

However, many services can only be consumed at the point of production. This implies that a service cannot be exported unless foreign citizens visit the country where the service is produced, or unless a physical good that backs the service is shipped abroad. For years and decades, the United States and countries of Western Europe benefited from tourists, students, and other visitors and temporary residents making use of their services. Another source of revenue was online sales, but the costs of Internet connection in developing countries tends to be much higher than in developed ones, so most customers of goods sold online were citizens of developed countries.

The high-tech boom of the 1990s enabled many people of these countries to enjoy a period of stable economic growth. Once the high-tech boom ended, more industrial production was outsourced to be produced in East Asia. The anticipated recession in the United States and the European Union is likely to be reinforced by the prevalence of services in these economies. Consumers in these countries, overburdened with debts, will be less willing to make use of many services. Many service-producing enterprises will have to lay off workers to stay in business.

The Faultiness of Kazakhstan’s Neglect of Manufacturing

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, manufacturing in Kazakhstan and many other CIS countries declined. This decline was caused by the inability of enterprises in these countries to compete with those in the West, as well as by the emergence of other business opportunities that appeared profitable. New service facilities were created, but the export of petroleum became the basis of the new economy.

The immediate effect of the transition was an increase in unemployment and a decrease in real incomes for a large portion of the population. During the economic boom in the first seven years of the 21st century, most people working in sectors unrelated to oil, finance, or construction, gained little from the economic growth.

There are many reasons why Kazakhstan has been unable to diversify its economy. These reasons include: various barriers to entry for firms, such as administrative barriers, lack of available high-quality business education for many people, lack of well-functioning financial markets, and many others. In spite of the increase in the number of universities providing education in the field of business administration, tuition fees in prestigious universities remain high. There is also a shortage of specialists in science and technology.

The agricultural sector in Kazakhstan had produced a fine harvest in the year 2007, and some hopes existed that the sector would enable diversification of the economy. However, this sector continues to face problems related to access to agricultural technology, lack of a detailed, long-term strategy of development, and many others. Kazakhstan continues to depend on imports from its neighbors Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan.

Many new service facilities that have developed in Kazakhstan over the years of transition, such as supermarkets, restaurants, entertainment complexes, and many others – face substantial risks or may face risks in the future, especially if banks of Kazakhstan, which provide well-paying jobs, begin filing for bankruptcy. As in the case of the United States and Europe, under-emphasizing the importance of manufacturing will add to the severity of the recession in Kazakhstan. The major difference, however, is that many service facilities in Kazakhstan are in even greater danger than those in the United States, as most people in Kazakhstan earn much lower real incomes. The high oil prices may cushion the economy for a while, but a world recession can put a downward pressure on these prices.

Unlike American borrowers, Kazakhstani borrowers have been suffering from much higher interest rates on loans. These higher interest rates can be attributed to the risks of investing into the economy of Kazakhstan. Thus, many firms have been suffering not only from declines in sales, but from debt as well. The economic situations in the two countries are thus similar in nature, and differ only in scope and size of the gross domestic product to start with.

Who Wants to Live in a Superpower Today?

For centuries, to achieve some degree of economic power, many countries have had to demonstrate their political authority and military power as well. However, by the middle of the 20th century, it became apparent that neither is a necessity for achieving economic prosperity in a well-functioning market economy. Many countries today have achieved a high standard of living without having to show off their military power or political authority. In nearly every continent, except Africa, there are countries that have achieved a comparatively high standard of living for many citizens without taking part in conflicts or international controversies.

The increase in the number of terrorist attacks in the 21st century shows that the general well-being of a country’s citizens is no longer dependent on whether their country of residence is a superpower, or simply a well-functioning economy. Among those nations, which are relatively highly developed economically, it is the countries that have tried to show off their political authority and superiority of political systems to other countries – the United States, Russia, Israel, the United Kingdom, to name a few – that have been threatened the most by terrorism. Meanwhile, the “quiet” nations, such as the Scandinavian nations and many countries of East Asia, have continued to enjoy relative stability.

Attempts to compensate economic problems in the minds of citizens by displaying political superiority through propaganda and militarization, are by no means a new invention. After World War II, the Soviet government used the expansion of the Eastern bloc to demonstrate the superiority of Communism. Even though the post-war Soviet economy was facing severe hardships, and a lot of resources were being spent to support the new regimes, it was very easy to refer to the “popularity” of Communism among the peoples of Eastern Europe as a proof of the success of the system.

To many western economists, it is obvious that the existing financial and economic systems in the West require some revision. To prevent further defaults on loans, risk diversification is necessary. But to achieve this diversification, investments into sectors, comparatively less risky than real estate, construction, or services, are necessary. In addition, measures to discourage speculation are necessary.

The issue of increasing the share of manufacturing and the production of physical goods in general, in developed countries thus arises. Nothing is wrong with producing many different kinds of services, but economies should be diversified to include manufactured consumer goods as well, to enable exports abroad during harder times. No demonstration of political influence or military operations will permanently compensate for this decline, though these approaches may sometimes be justified for non-economic reasons. Increases in defense spending can boost economic growth, but they result in increases in the tax burden or government debt. The dispute between Russia and the United States over the independence of South Ossetia does not free either country from the necessity to pay attention to its economy, regardless of whose position on the issue is closer to reality.

Fortunately for Kazakhstan, the government did not assume the role of a government of a world power, reserving this role for Russia. Hence, Kazakhstan has been able to retain political and economic stability. While the government of Kazakhstan may rightfully hold and voice a position on this issue, it is not desirable for the country to take active measures to support either side. The government should pay more attention to its internal problems instead, especially because few companies of Kazakhstan are large enough to have significant interests in the region where the conflict takes place.

Conclusion

Any country that failed to take the appropriate measures to sustain the production of physical goods is likely to be affected by the world subprime mortgage crisis more severely than major exporters of manufactured goods. Kazakhstan and many other CIS countries are under a serious threat, especially because these countries lack well-diversified economies. In this situation, it is advisable for Kazakhstan not to participate actively in international disputes, reserving this role for countries that have bigger economies to start with. The economic well-being of the nation should take precedence over conflicts abroad, to the extent that this approach enables Kazakhstan to remain in good relations with its neighbors and trading partners, which is necessary to keep the economy functioning under globalization.

Why Nazarbayev Wants Kazakhs to Speak English

By Dmitry Shlapentokh

Nazarbayev

Recently Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbaev introduced a new language policy, with the goal of all Kazakhstan citizens being able to speak Kazakh, Russian and English. At the same time, he stated that students in high school and especially in university should be fluent in English.

One could regard this program as plainly cultural. Still, the cultural aspect is only one of the dimensions. There are also broad political implications of this decision. On the one hand, the cultural/civilizational aspect, so to speak, of Nazarbaev’s desire to see the spread of the English language is clear. English has become the language of international discourse for science, culture and business.

Nazarbaev clearly wants to make Kazakhstan a part of the Western world, at least from the cultural, scientific and economic perspective. Still, there is a political implication driving this ambitious language policy.

Kazakhstan has emerged as a post-Soviet state, with a considerable Russian-speaking minority, especially in the northern part of the country. In the very beginning of Kazakhstan’s existence, the country’s elite still entertained loyalty to Moscow and thought about a closer relationship with Russia.

At that time, the Kazakhstan elite had accepted Eurasianism as an almost official ideological paradigm. Eurasianism is a philosophical paradigm that emerged among the Russian émigrés in the 1920s. The point of the theory is that Russia is neither part of the West nor Slavic worlds but “symbiosis” of Slavs and Muslim, mostly Turkic, people , and this view of Russia had been predominant through the late Soviet/early post- Soviet era.

In the Eurasianists’ view, Russia is a unique civilization based on the “symbiosis” of Russians and Muslims, the latter mostly of Turkic origin. The notion of “symbiosis does not always imply equality. In most Russian interpretations of Eurasianism, it is the Russians who played the part of “older brother” to ethnic minorities. In the Kazakh interpretation, the role was reversed: it was the Kazakhs who either became equal or, increasingly, the “older brother,” the leading ethnic group.

The increasing pressure of Kazakh nationalism started to challenge the very notion of “symbiosis” where the element of equality have been implicitly present. In the new interpretation, Kazakhstan was primarily a state of ethnic Kazakhs. The other ethnic groups, including ethnic Russians, were tolerated. Still, in this interpretation, they should understand that they are a peculiar guest in the Kazakh house and, if they want social mobility and good jobs, should study the Kazakh language.

This just aggravated interethnic/intercultural relationships even more; and in the late 1990s certain Russians who used the nickname “Pugashe” after the leader of the eighteenth-century peasant rebellion, planned to start an uprising in North Kazakhstan with its strong ethnic Russian presence. The uprising should have detached northern Kazakhstan from Kazakhstan and then either created an independent state or become attached to Russia. The plot was discovered and the ringleader received a big prison term.

In 2002, Eduard Limonov, a polemic Russian writer and politician, also wanted to follow the Pugashev plan, albeit with certain modifications. According to the Limonov plan, the emerging state of ethnic Russian-Kazakhstan would be much more nationalistic than the Russian mainland. Then “Sudeten” Russians would ignite the nationalist revolt in Russia and would replace the Putin regime, which, at that time, Limonov regarded as being pro-Western and, in general, quite foreign to Russian national interests. Limonov’s plan was nipped in the bud. He was arrested in Russia and spent some time in prison.

All of these events had demonstrated to Nazarbaev that catering to the nationalistic feeling of the Kazak elite and increasing push for “Kazakhization” of linguistic space could backfire and create serious problems. At the same time, Nazarbaev, a moderate and generally enlightened authoritarian leader, did not want to follow scenarios prevailing in many parts of post-Soviet space and, of course, not only here. The first scenario would imply a cautious linguistic pressure, which should have led to emigration of most Russian-speaking Kazakhstanians.

This indeed happened in many post-Soviet spaces and, of course, in many such countries in post-colonial Africa and Asia where considerable numbers of Europeans departed. This departure of Russians from Kazakhstan, as Nazarbaev understood, would lead to the loss of valuable trained cadres. A second option implied that Russian-speaking ethnicities would be isolated and marginalized citizens.

This was the option in some of the Baltic states, where considerable Russian-speaking populations was discriminated against. Such a policy would be quite dangerous, especially after Moscow’s annexation of Crimea on the grounds of cultural/linguistic discrimination of the Russian-speaking population. And there the stress on the importance of English as the language of higher education and social mobility became quite handy. Indeed, on one hand English became politically/ethnically “neutral” to both Kazakhs and Russians. Its study is not related either to discrimination nor neo-colonial syndrome.

In addition, both the Russian and Kazakh elite regard English as the language of superior Western civilization or at least as the language that opens the door to various opportunities closed to those who just knew Russian and/or Kazakh. Thus, English emerges as the transethnic tongue that helps to ensure the creation of a new identity based on citizenship rather than on race/ethnicity and/or native language. One, of course, could question how this enterprise would be implemented in reality. Still, it is clearly a wise approach to Kazakhstan’s ethnic and cultural problem.

Dmitry Shlapentokh is an Associate Professor of History at Indiana University – South Bend.